Britain's Assassination Bureau - Permindex

Following the assassination of President John F. Kennedy in Dallas on November 22, 1963, New Orleans District Attorney James Garrison launched an investigation that led him to the doorsteps of an obscure Montreal-based corporation called Permindex, headed by the Bronfman family's attorney, Major Louis Mortimer Bloomfield. One of the directors of Bloomfield's ostensibly small international trading company, Col. Clay Shaw of New Orleans, was Garrison's chief suspect in the Kennedy murder.

Shaw ran the World Trade Mart in New Orleans, a subsidiary of Permindex that was described by a former Shaw associate (1) as a front for Mafia drug-running and organized crime activity centered in the Caribbean. Shaw was the financial backer and controller of Lee Harvey Oswald during his lengthy stays in New Orleans, Garrison had established, and the District Attorney also had evidence that Shaw had been the safe house channel out of the country (into Italy) for several unidentified persons believed to have been the real "triggers" in the Kennedy assassination. (2)

James Earl Ray, the "patsy" in the 1968 assassination of Martin Luther King in Memphis, was also a frequent visitor to Shaw's New Orleans' World Trade Mart during the month before King's murder. Ray escaped via Canada to London where he was traced and captured a month after King died. (3)

After more than a half dozen mysterious deaths of key witnesses against Permindex and a national smear campaign against Garrison run by Kennedy Justice Department troubleshooter Walter Sheridan, the New Orleans investigation into Permindex was terminated, and the entire affair quickly faded into obscurity.

After an estimated 30 to 40 aborted assassination attempts against French President General Charles de Gaulle during the 1960s, the French intelligence bureau, SDECE, exposed the same Permindex as the financier and controller of the OAS (Secret Army Organization) death squads. (4) SDECE gathered reams of evidence showing that Permindex had been the recipient of funds laundered into Geneva and Basel through Zionist "charitable organizations" and Israeli intelligence fronts such as the Bank Hapoalim of Histadrut, the Israeli trade union movement and Socialist International affiliate. These funds had been channeled into the OAS as well as into the neo-Nazi terrorist groups in West Germany and Italy.

De Gaulle issued vociferous personal protests to the Swiss and Italian governments. As a result, Permindex was forced to shut down its offices in those countries and move to a more friendly location, Johannesburg, South Africa. (5) The Paris-based Western European branch headquarters of Israel's foreign intelligence service, the Mossad, was kicked out of France and reestablished its operations in Belgium and the Netherlands.

In 1970, the prestigious Italian newsweekly Panorama published an account of the mysterious death of Italian Oil Minister Enrico Mattei in an October 1962 plane crash on his was to a historic economic summit in Africa. (6) Mattel's plane was sabotaged during a contrived unscheduled stopover at an obscure airport in Sicily. Forty-eight hours before the crash, New Orleans mobster and Permindex associate Carlos Marcello had been identified by local police in Sicily as the mysterious American who showed up at the airport while a four-man team was tampering with Mattel's plane.

Marcello owned a private fleet of chartered jets called the United Air Taxi Service, which shared its staff of pilots and mechanics with Permindex. One such "shared employee," David Ferrie, was also a pilot for Marcello and Clay Shaw. Ferrie was found murdered days after he was subpoenaed to testify before Garrison's grand jury on the Kennedy killing. (7) Within months of the April 1978 kidnapping and murder of former Italian President Aldo Moro, the Italian Carabinieri were in hot pursuit of evidence firmly implicating Italian Jewish banker George Mantello (aka George Mandel) in the affair. (8)

It was believed that Mantello's Rome villa had been the first safehouse where Moro was brought after his abduction by the Red Brigades. Weapons found in a Carabinieri raid of Mantello's villa turned out to match the weapon used to kill Moro as well as that used in the 1977 Baader-Meinhof gang kidnapping-murder of West German industrialist Hanns-Martin Schleyer.

An agent of the Black Guelph House of Savoy (the pretenders to the throne of Italy), Mantello is a board member of a Permindex subsidiary, Centro Mondiale Commerciale (CMC). Mantello's Swiss holding company, Capocetto, was exposed by de Gaulle's SDECE as a conduit for Histadrut funds into Permindex. (9)
 

Who runs Permindex?

Sixteen years have passed since Permindex conducted its first known assassination deployment. Despite all the accumulated evidence, none of the principals has been brought to justice; Permindex today is one of the best kept secrets in the world. What is Permindex? Who are the powerful forces protecting his nest of assassins from prosecution for crimes of high treason against no fewer than three sovereign states?

As we shall soon learn, Permindex is a top-secret branch of one of the most sophisticated and well-financed intelligence agencies in the world and a convergence point for every filthy network that we have met so far — from the British Far East banking and shipping magnates who run the dope trade at the top to the gutters where Mafiosi, neo-Nazis, and the Order of Zion function as retailers for Dope, Incorporated.

The starting point to unravel the story behind this International Assassination Bureau is the office of the chairman of its board. The founder, president, and majority (50 percent) shareholder in Permindex since its incorporation in Montreal in 1958-59 is Major Louis Mortimer Bloomfield.

Bloomfield is a man of many hats. He was a founding partner of the prestigious Hofjuden law firm of Phillips, Vineberg, Bloomfield and Goodman, the firm that represents and controls the Bronfman family holdings. Bloomfield's name was formally removed from the firm's letterhead in 1968 after the de Gaulle exposures of his Permindex assassination bureau threatened to create an embarrassment. Such cosmetic gestures, however, have little significance in the murky world of Canadian politics where the most prestigious names all appear on the board of directors of Dope, Incorporated.

Among his business holdings, Major Bloomfield controls the Israeli Continental Corporation, the Canadian subsidiary of the Dutch Heinekens Breweries, and Credit Suisse of Canada, a correspondent bank to the Credit Suisse of Geneva that was among the holding agencies exposed by SDECE for laundering "hit money" to the OAS. (10) All these corporations are listed among the investors in Permindex.

Like his law partner, Lazarus Phillips, and his clients, the Bronfmans, Major L. M. Bloomfield is an outstanding Zionist philanthropist. Among his numerous honorary positions, Bloomfield is the annual chairman of the Histadrut Campaign of Canada, which collects "charitable contributions" and passes them on to the Israeli labor movement. Curiously, these funds have been discovered on several occasions to have found their way back to Permindex after recycling through the Histadrut's Bank Hapoalim. (11)

Bloomfield's charitable activities extend into his chairmanship of the Canadian Red Cross ambulance service, a position traditionally held by a top-ranking Knight in the Queen's official chivalric order, the Most Venerable Order of St. John of Jerusalem. As an operating arm of the Sovereign Order, the Red Cross ambulance service has been a frequently called upon front for terrorism. (12)

Bloomfield's business interests extend into the field of transoceanic shipping. A former head of the Israeli Maritime League of Canada, Bloomfield has been the Consul-General in charge of the Western Hemisphere of the Liberian government since World War II. Liberia is notorious as both a tax shelter and smugglers' port-of-call. With no shipping regulations to speak of, Liberia is the flag of convenience under which the majority of ships bearing bulk shipments of Far East narcotics are registered, and also serves as one of the secondary ($7 billion in average daily transfers) offshore banking centers through which British drug revenues are laundered.

The only other foreign-stationed Consul-General for Liberia is Bloomfield-Permindex associate and Israeli Mossad official (ret.) Tibor Rosenbaum, whom we shall meet shortly. Beneath his various hats as banker, philanthropist, prominent attorney, and Permindex director, Bloomfield is first and foremost an agent of the most secretive branch of Her Majesty's Intelligence service, the Special Operations Executive (SOE). Bloomfield was recruited to the SOE by its director, Sir William Stephenson, in 1938. (13)

Stephenson, a Canadian-born protégé of Round Table founder Lord Beaverbrook, appointed Bloomfield as the recruitment officer and "agent handler" for the newly created counterespionage and espionage branch of the U.S. Federal Bureau of Investigations (FBI), known as Division Five. (14) Agents of Division Five, in turn, have been among the points of the New Orleans grand jury investigation into the Kennedy assassination. Guy Bannister, the head of the southeast regional office of Division Five (located in New Orleans) at the time of the Kennedy murder, died under mysterious circumstances shortly after the events in Dallas. (15)

Bannister was the owner of a New Orleans office building that housed a number of Division Five fronts and groups under close D-5 surveillance. These included the left-radical Fair Play for Cuba Committee and the violently anti-Castro Free Cuba Committee. Lee Harvey Oswald was alternatively a member of both these groups during various stages of his "laundering." (16) According to one source, in 1962 Bannister was also the personal conduit of at least one $100,000 payoff to the OAS for an assassination attempt against de Gaulle. One of his agents flew directly from New Orleans to Paris to deliver the funds. In 1966, that courier, who operated a Permindex front, the Caribbean Anti-Communist League, died when he was thrown out of a sixth floor window in a San Juan Puerto Rico, hotel. (17)

How did Louis M. Bloomfield, a Canadian citizen, manage to assume a highly secretive top post within the Hoover FBI? And what's more, how did he manage to retain that post for over 30 years — even after his name had been raised in conjunction with assassinations against officials of three governments? Stephenson, using the "special relationship" that British Prime Minister Winston Churchill had cultivated with Franklin Roosevelt, arranged Bloomfield's commission as an officer in the

U.S. Army (hence the rank of major) assigned to the Office of Strategic Services, the wartime predecessor of the Central Intelligence Agency. Bloomfield was only one of many Canadians brought into the U.S. military under Stephenson's auspices. (18) Stephenson was creating an SOE in-depth penetration into the American services that could run clandestine operations under an American cover. This became a particularly important feature of SOE postwar activities in locations like Italy where Churchill's open role in installing Mussolini in power had engendered a profound hatred of the British.

Unfortunately, very little of the publicly accessible information about the SOE is reliable. It is known that the SOE was created at the personal initiative of Sir Winston Churchill as an expansion of Section D (for "Destruction") of the British Secret Intelligence Service, the branch responsible for "aggressive espionage and sabotage" against enemies of the British Empire. (19) Evidently, after World War II, the United States, in Churchill's eyes, fit the definition of "enemy."

As the top secret action branch of British intelligence, the SOE operated through "cutouts," especially commercial and philanthropic fronts. Stephenson set up SOE headquarters in New York City's Rockefeller Center under the name of an importing-exporting company and established its communications and clandestine center at a resort complex at Montego Bay, Jamaica. (20) Under Major Bloomfield, Division Five's spies operated as a Christian missionary group, sending its devotees to every corner of the United States and Latin America. (21)

It should be noted that all the SOE's activities were conducted under the protective umbrella of Her Majesty's Official Secrets Act. Any British Commonwealth citizen releasing information about the SOE without the advance permission of the monarchy is liable to prosecution on charges of high treason, punishable by execution. No wonder that the reliable sources of information on the SOE are French, Italian, and West German intelligence agencies. A relevant feature of the wartime Stephenson-Bloomfield team was its use of Mafiosi as "intelligence agents" for the U.S. OSS and FBI Division Five.

Charles "Lucky" Luciano is the best-known case of a convicted drug-runner, pimp, and suspected murderer who was "rehabilitated" under OSS-SOE sponsorship. (22) Luciano was dispatched to Sicily to reconstitute old networks that had been dispersed or expatriated during the Mussolini period. Our point here is not to provide a biography of Luciano, but to show that Permindex's Major Bloomfield came into active collusion with Meyer Lansky's narcotics syndicate by no later than the close of World War II—when he was more openly under the official auspices of the British monarchy.

According to a four-part series of articles published in October 1978 in the Soviet youth magazine Ogonyok by Julian Semyonov, the Bloomfield-Luciano collaboration was still operational in 1962 when Luciano was the case officer on the scene in Sicily for the Mattei assassination. The decision to go with a plane crash was made by Luciano only after the options of hiring an OAS team or an American "leftist" controlled by a Texas oil company (invested in Permindex) were determined to be too politically explosive. (23)

Based on this profile of the many-sided Major Bloomfield, the first pieces of the Permindex puzzle fall into place. Far from being a small international trading company, Permindex is revealed to be a subsidiary branch of the most powerful, well financed, and well-protected intelligence agency in the world — a subsidiary branch responsible for carrying out the most important political assassinations of the century. The next step in completing the Permindex puzzle is untangling the complex web of holding companies, dummy corporations, and offshore sealed bank accounts through which the Permindex Assassination Bureau works.
 

The Bloomfield, Lansky, Rosenbaum circuit

Sufficient evidence has surfaced in the public record to show that Permindex is the courier channel through which the retail revenues of Dope, Incorporated are shuttled from the regional syndicates into designated secret bank accounts in Geneva, Basel, Liechtenstein, and the Caribbean. Even in its official records, Permindex cites among its investors the regional crime czars of North America and the Caribbean, the lieutenants of Meyer Lansky. (24)

From 1928, when he inherited the bootleg booze and narcotics trade from the deceased Arnold Rothstein, Lansky has been the undisputed "chairman of the board" of organized crime and the pusher behind the move into bigtime narcotics, offshore banking, and the Caribbean casino circuit. Lansky's biographer, Hank Messick, estimates that Lansky's personal fortune exceeds $300,000,000. Messick describes the weekly ritual in which the regional syndicate couriers converge on the Singapore Hotel in Miami to deliver 60 percent of their take to the "financial wizard." From there money travels the route of Dope, Incorporated. Reports Messick:

The scope of Lansky's interests is illustrated by a trip his international courier, John Pullman, made in 1965. His first stop was Bogota, Colombia. The Eden Roc in Miami was his next destination. In February he went to the Sands Hotel in Las Vegas, where Lansky's old bootlegging chum from Boston, Hy Abrams, was boss. In March he was conferring in Los Angeles with Mike Singer, an ex-Teamster official who had helped put together the Bank of World Commerce (a part of the Permindex infrastructure of offshore banks — ed.) with Alvin Malnik.

Later in March he was in Honolulu, where the syndicate was attempting to get control of Ewa Plantation and hoped, eventually to legalize gambling. In April he was at the Peninsular Hotel in Hong Kong, where the syndicate had casinos and obtained much of its narcotics. Lebanon and its casinos were visited next. By June, Pullman was back in Switzerland where he conferred with Lansky in person. Together they visited the French Riviera to study plans for the ultimate takeover of the casinos there. (25)

The money is placed in initial deposits in any one of a number of Geneva, Basel, Liechtenstein, or Caribbean banks affiliated with Major Bloomfield's little "trading company." Several of these banks, like the Astaldo Vaduz of Miami, De Famaco Vaduz of Liechtenstein, and De Famaco Astaldo Vaduz of Geneva, are post office box fronts. These three, for example, are all listed as wholly owned subsidiaries of Permindex. As noted above, Credit Suisse, one of the more formidable laundering holes, maintains a Canadian subsidiary, also run by Major Bloomfield. (26)

The Bank of World Commerce Ltd. of Nassau, Grand Bahamas, was a personal creation of Lansky's. The largest and most important banking entity in the Permindex-Lansky family was the Banque de Credit Internationale (BCI) of Basel, which was bankrupted in 1974 as part of a London upset of world financial markets. (27) BCI was itself almost indistinguishable from the infamous Investors Overseas Services (IOS), an international "mutual fund" which garnered an excess of $2 billion in investment capital on behalf of "unnamed subscribers." (28)

According to Messick, there are strong indications that the majority of those unnamed subscribers were named Meyer Lansky. IOS gained international notoriety for its army of salesmen who crisscrossed the globe carrying satchels of cash earmarked for sealed bank accounts in every unregulated banking port in Western Europe, Latin America, the Caribbean, and the Middle and Far East.

Any sleuth attempting to trace out the originating source for the IOS funds would do well to dig out the October 8,1967, issue of Life magazine, which detailed the following interesting triangular business relationship. (29) Sylvain Ferdman, an officer of BCI, was the business agent for the Investors Overseas Service. U.S. law enforcement officials in turn identified Ferdman as the chief bagman for the Lansky syndicate.

Ferdman, a Swiss citizen, and John Pullman, an American who transferred his citizenship to Canada after a 1950s federal conviction, carried money from the Caribbean to Lansky, and then on to the BCI and Bloomfield's Credit Suisse. Pullman, in addition to his global travels, was the president and director of the Bank of World Commerce Ltd. of Nassau. So far the picture is very neat. BCI-IOS was the Swiss side of a triangle composed of a dirty money professional hit bureau, and Meyer Lansky's retail drug business in North America and the Caribbean.

Major Bloomfield's trading company in Montreal, with branch offices in Geneva and Rome (through its subsidiary Centro Mondiale Commerciale), ran the protection side of the courier operation and was on the receiving end of those funds earmarked for terrorism and political assassinations. (An assassination such as the John F. Kennedy hit or any one of the 30 plus tries on the life of de Gaulle would cost upwards of $10 million between the preparatory work, the hit, and the cover-up, which have often involved further murders.)

The remainder of the dirty money either went to the Far East to cover production costs, to maintain the internal machinery of organized crime, N.A., or to investment in "legitimate" business, and so forth. The picture takes on additional political implications as we probe further into the Banque de Credit Internationale. BCI was originally established in 1959, at the same time Major Bloomfield founded Permindex as an intelligence and financial front for the Israeli Mossad. BCI's founder and president was Tibor Rosenbaum, a close associate of Bloomfield from at least the end of World War II when both smuggled weapons, money, and mercenaries into the Haganah. (30)

Rosenbaum was subsequently appointed the first Director-General for Finance and Supply of the Mossad (1948). An Austrian Jew who graduated from the economics department of the University of Vienna (31), Rosenbaum, in addition to his Mossad affiliation, was a cofounder of the World Zionist Congress and a director of the Jewish Agency. The Jewish Agency in turn created the Bank Hapoalim as the official agent for the Israeli labor movement, Histadrut.

With the exception of Major Bloomfield, Rosenbaum is the only foreign representative of the African smugglers' paradise, Liberia. The BCI was ostensibly founded as a vehicle for financing illegal Israeli trade with Africa and the Third World; however, this half-truth served merely to justify its location in the world capital of secret banking, Switzerland, and its relationship to the Mossad.

The picture emerges in full upon discovery of another member of the BCI board of directors: Ernst Israel Japhet. Japhet brings us straight back to the London banking circuit that runs Dope, Incorporated. Who is Ernst Israel Japhet in addition to his membership on the board of the bank that serviced Meyer Lansky's retail revenues from narcotics, gambling, prostitution? Japhet is the chairman of the Bank Leumi, the largest bank in Israel, which we have already identified as a link in the diamonds-for-dope trade into Hong Kong.

The latest heir of a German Hofjuden banking family that traces its roots back centuries, Japhet was bought up by the Quaker Barclays Bank of London, that created the wholly owned subsidiary Charterhouse Japhet. The Japhet family's more recent roots go back to Hong Kong's opium trade, into which the family moved 150 years ago and never left (see Part II). The Japhet bank was the granddaddy of the Palestine-to-Hong-Kong dope-for-diamonds trade, now run by Bank Leumi under Mr. Japhet, now on behalf of his 100 percent owners in London at the staid offices of Barclays. Joining Japhet on the board of Leumi is Baron Stormont Bancroft, a member of the Hofjuden Samuel family, a former Lord-in-Waiting to the Queen and a director and deputy chairman of Cunard Lines, a shipping company heavily involved in the drug traffic over Middle East, India, and Far East routes. (32)

Bank Leumi keeps its hand in the drug trade through its 100 percent owned subsidiary, Union Bank, of which Ernst Israel Japhet is also chairman. Union Bank deals over one-third of the world's diamonds.

Under Japhet, Bank Leumi bought into international terrorism in 1976 when it took over the American and Argentinian subsidiaries of the Banque pour le Commerce Continentale following its bankruptcy. The BBC's branch in Montevideo. Uruguay was the investment vehicle for the Israeli-Argentinian financier David Graiver, who was the financial advisor for the Argentine Montaneros. Graiver disappeared under strange circumstances in 1976. It was publicly reported that he died in a plane crash; however, subsequent reports speculated that he had clandestinely moved to Israel. (33)

Bank Leumi was not the only Israeli bank to heavily invest in the Banque de Credit Internationale. Even more heavily involved is the Bank Hapoalim. As chairman of the Canadian Histadrut Campaign, Major Louis Mortimer Bloomfield of Permindex maintained direct cash flow relations to Hapoalim. (34)

The Bank Hapoalim, the third largest bank in Israel, was founded by the Jewish Agency, which runs the bank today. Its founder and present board member, British High Commissioner Viscount Erwin Herbert Samuel, belongs to the same Samuel family that retains interests in Bank Leumi and Cunard Shipping Lines. Viscount Samuel presides as head of the Israeli Red Cross, an official branch of the Most Venerable Order of St. John of Jerusalem. (35)

Bank Hapoalim has been widely exposed in the Western European press as a dirty-money channel into Swiss and Liechtenstein banks. (36) The charge is corroborated by the presence of Bank Hapoalim director Zwi Recheter on the board of Rosenbaum's BCI.

Another channel of Bank Hapoalim's complicity is the Permindex family of dope traders and assassins is the Israeli Continental Bank Ltd., a 50-50 joint venture between Bank Hapoalim and its West German Socialist International counterpart, Bank fur Gemeinwirtschaft. The German bank is chaired by Walter Hesselbach, a member of the West German branch of the Jerusalem Foundation, the Zionist branch of the Order of St. John of Jerusalem. (37)

Stepping back for a moment, what have we now pieced together? Within the sealed accounts and well-guarded board room of the Banque de Credit Internationale we have uncovered yet another point of convergence of the three divisions of Dope, Incorporated: the production-distribution wholesaling division represented by Bank Leumi director Ernst Israel Japhet, the criminally syndicated retail division represented by the Lansky bagmen Pullman and Ferdman, and the murder division represented by the cash flow into Permindex.

We have now established that Israeli banking and the Israeli Mossad are cutouts — like their Hofjuden sponsors — of the British monarchy, which runs the whole show through its merchant banks and its Knights of St. John.
 

The Nazi connection

Having set all the pieces in their appropriate places, we have sketched the outlines of both an operational flow chart for Dope, Incorporated (See Figure 1) and a global network of professional murderers, narcotics traffickers, secret intelligence officers, and portly London bankers and aristocrats. Now let's return to the original question: what is Permindex?

Working under SOE "case officer-in-charge" Major Louis Mortimer Bloomfield, at the executive offices of Permindex and its subsidiaries — the Centro Mondiale Commerciale, the Italo-American Hotel Corporation and Capocetto — is a rogue's gallery of Nazis and Fascists, underworld bosses, and feudal throwbacks the sort of cast one would expect to encounter at the seat of International Murder, Inc. Begin with Prince Gutierez de Spadafora, the former Undersecretary of Agriculture for Benito Mussolini. Spadafora is a director of Centro Mondiale Commerciale and the president of the Sicilian Compagnia Amatrice Industriale Petrolifera Armatoviole, a front for illegal arms smuggling. (38)

The prince's son married the daughter of former Nazi Finance Minister Hjalmar Schacht, the architect of the Nazi economic policy that led to the extermination of millions of Jews. Schacht's other son-in-law was Nazi SS Colonel Otto Skorzeny, Hitler's Special Operations executive. After receiving a slap on the wrist for his wartime crimes against humanity, Skorzeny established the Spanish-based ADSAP Corporation, which hired out former Nazi SS paramilitary and intelligence specialists for projects arranged through Schacht. (39)

George Mantello (a.k.a. Mandel), the Romanian Jewish émigré whom we already encountered as a chief suspect in the Aldo Moro kidnapping-murder and who was under investigation by both the French SDECE and Garrison, is at once a board member of CMC and the owner of Permindex's Capocetto subsidiary. Capocetto was revealed by several Italian journalists (40) to be the liaison between the B'nai B'rith International and such terrorist gangs as the Red Brigades and the Baader-Meinhof, as well as a string of neo-Nazi groups in West Germany and Italy.

Implicated B'nai B'rith officials included B'nai B'rith International Director Schlumberger, B'nai B'rith Continental (the West European branch housed in Basel) chief Erlich, B'nai B'rith France (also known as Ligue Internationale contre l'Anti-Semitisme, or LICA) head Jean Pierre-Bloch, and B'nai B'rith Austria director George Bloch.

Mantello is the financial advisor and investment banker for the House of Savoy, the pretenders to the nonexistent throne of unified Italy and the black nobility sponsors of Mussolini. (41)

The administrative officer of Permindex is Max Hagerman, the editor of the West German right-wing newspaper NationalZeitung, Israeli media have denounced National Zeitung as a "neo-Nazi" publication.

Ferenc Nagy was the President of Hungary during the Nazi occupation. Nagy tendered his resignation as President in 1946 via an infamous telephone call placed from a bank lobby in Geneva. A member of the Eastern European branch (founded by the Radziwill family) of the Order of St. John of Jerusalem, Nagy relocated to the United States during the 1950s. Here he became the titular head of a number of White Russian-Eastern European groups which performed covert services for Allen Dulles and Division Five of the FBI in Eastern Europe, employing former members of the Hungarian fascist movement, Arrow Cross. (42)

According to one source, Nagy came under the close scrutiny of New Orleans District Attorney Garrison for possible involvement in the John Kennedy assassination. (43) Nagy was in Dallas for the four-week period leading up to November 22, 1963, as case officer for Permindex and Division Five. Along with Nagy, Garrison was investigating the simultaneous surfacing of George Mantello in Los Angeles. Garrison established that Nagy and Mantello were both business and personal associates of Carlos Marcello, the New Orleans lieutenant of Meyer Lansky who carried out the assassination of Enrico Mattei.

Giuseppe Zigiotto, on the board of CMC, is the head of the House of Savoy Italian neofascist movement called the Fascist National Association for the Militia Arms. Carlo D'Amelio, another Permindex-CMC board member, is an agent for the Italian black nobility houses of Savoy and Pallavicino. From the Mussolini period, d'Amelio was the attorney representing the grouping of oligarchical families that imposed the fascist dictator in collaboration with Sir Winston Churchill.

This grouping was known as Circo Rex ("Royal Circle") and is believed to exist today as the control point for the Red Brigades, the neofascist cells, and the Autonomi (a mass-based anarchist counterculture movement parallel to the youth movements out of which Mussolini recruited his Black Shirts.) The Pallavicini family, in addition to its sponsorship of terrorism and destabilization against the Italian government, is deeply involved in the Lebanese fascist movement, the Falange, through blood ties into the Coptic Christian families of Lebanon.

On November 11, 1978, the Italian government's antiterrorist director, General Delia Chiesa, delivered a significant setback to this oligarchical network by arresting Paolo Sebregondi on charges of conspiring with the Red Brigades in the assassination of Aldo Moro. Sebregondi is the son of Countess Viondi and grandson of Princess Resta-Pallavicino, the former maid-inwaiting to the Queen of Italy. Paolo's brother, Stefano Sebregondi, known to be presently hiding in Mexico, is also being sought by Delia Chiesa in the same case.

The exposure of this long-concealed link between the ostensibly gutter-level left radical Red Brigades and the Houses of Savoy and Pallavicini — the employers of d'Amelio and George and Enrico Mantello — establishes the chain of court admissible evidence for the Permindex role in carrying out the murder of Aldo Moro at the behest of the Black Nobility centered in London.

One of the principal channels of laundered money for Permindex-CMC's assassination teams is in the Seligman Bank of Zurich, a bank represented directly on the board of International Assassination Bureau by Hans Seligman, the director of the bank.

Although not an officially cited board member of any of the Permindex fronts, John De Menil bears special note as an indispensable business partner of Major Bloomfield. DeMenil is the president of the Schlumberger Corporation of Houston and southern Florida. The firm was implicated by Jim Garrison along with Permindex in smuggling guns and explosives to anti-Castro Cuban exiles who also came under investigation for the Kennedy assassination. DeMenil worked with a CIA Miamibased front called "Double-Chek," which in turn was a contact point for Major Bloomfield's FBI Division Five. (44)

DeMenil is a White Russian emigre who fled to France, married into the wealthy Schlumberger family, and eventually settled in Houston to open a U.S. branch of the family's heavy) machinery firm. DeMenil was a close associate and contact man for Permindex case officer Nagy during the preparation period for the Kennedy assassination. (45)

One of DeMenil's closest associates is Col. Clay Shaw, a member of the Permindex-CMC board. Shaw was Garrison's chief suspect in the Kennedy killing and is the business partner of Carlos Marcello. Shaw's circle of former associates who mysteriously died before they could testify before D.A. Garrison included: David Ferrie, Shaw's former pilot and employee at the World Trade Mart; Guy Bannister, the southeast regional chief of Major Bloomfield's Division Five of the FBI; and George de Mohrenschildt, a White Russian leader who allegedly committed suicide on the eve of his scheduled appearance before the House Assassination Panel. The day of his death he was interviewed by journalist Edward Jay Epstein, a self-admitted ghost writer and stringer for former Central Intelligence Agency counterintelligence director James Jesus Angleton. (46)

No discussion of Permindex, Division Five, or Major L.M. Bloomfield would be complete without a note on the controversial Mr. Angleton. This is not the time to reach any verdict on Angleton's place in the international hall of fame of assassins, dope pushers, and spies. We merely note a fantastic coincidence of facts. As head of counterintelligence for the CIA for nearly 30 years, Angleton was the official in charge of all activities relating to terrorism, assassinations, and international narcotics traffic.

As the head of the Israeli Desk, he was also the liaison chief to the Mossad. Among his other responsibilities at the CIA, Angleton ran the Vatican desk, a position that placed him equally in touch with the House of Savoy. This last connection would have been solidified way back in the 1940s when Angleton was the OSS station chief for Italy, and therefore the officer in charge of OSS special agent Charles "Lucky" Luciano.

In short, Permindex's roster of directors and associates makes a mockery of everything the Zionist Lobby professes to stand for. The Montefiores, the de Hirschs, the Rothschilds, and their Bronfman and Bloomfield retainers are at once the most zealous leaders of the Zionist Lobby and the sponsors and controllers of a criminal network that extends to self-professed Nazis. It is time to bring before the courts the persons of Louis Bloomfield, Tibor Rosenbaum, the directors of Bank Leumi, of Bank Hapoalim, of B'nai B'rith International, of the Histradrut.

Among the long list of indictments, one of the charges would be violation of the Nuremberg statutes for crimes against humanity — for deploying drug-runners and convicted Nazis for assassinations of world shaking importance. Before the Zionist Lobby shouts "anti-Semitism," it must explain the composition and directorate of Permindex, which exposes once and for all the real controllers of the Nazi "Black" International.
 

Back to Contents

Permindex Unveiled: Resorts International Intertel

In September, 1974 less than four weeks after President Richard Nixon was driven out of office, Evelyn de Rothschild, Walter Hesselbach, and a handful of others conspired to bring down the Banque de Credit Internationale (1). The collapse caused a momentary panic on the international financial markets and more long-term financial problems for such people as Nixon and Michele Sindona, the Italian banker, whose poor judgment led them to place their money in the hands of IOS. Did this financial catastrophe spell the end of Permindex? After all, BCI had been one of the centerpieces of the dirty money side of Major Bloomfield's assassination bureau.

Not only did the International Assassination Bureau survive the September 1974 events, and the earlier shunting of Permindex to South Africa. Pulling the plug on the BCI appears to have been a loud diversionary maneuver to obscure the fact that quietly, systematically, over a period of years, the Permindex capability was upgraded, expanded, and relocated to a spot only miles off the coast of the United States: Paradise Island in the Grand Bahamas. Here stands the corporate headquarters of Resorts International and its wholly owned subsidiary "security division, International Intelligence ("Intertel").

Forget about the pictures of Resorts International in glossy travel brochures or the advertisements in the Travel Section of the Sunday New York Times. Scarcely concealed among the palm trees, the swimming pools, and the all-night casinos and nightclubs is Major Bloomfield's Royal Commission of High Executioners — and billions of dollars in dope. Barely hidden behind the Resorts International letterhead is the eminence grise of organized crime, Meyer Lansky.

Beginning no later than 1960, Lansky hatched a grand scheme to create a "Hong Kong West" (2) in the Caribbean: an offshore center that would bring together gambling, narcotics, dirty money, and Murder Inc. under one unregulated and "highly respectable" roof.

First, Lansky picked the Grand Bahamas Island as the site for a plush casino-resort. Operating through a Canadian "cutout," longtime business associate Louis Chesler, Lansky negotiated a purchase of a large tract of land on the island and oversaw the construction of a grand hotel, the Lucayan Beach Hotel, which was completed and opened for business before the end of 1963. (3) At the time the venture began, casino gambling was illegal in the Grand Bahamas — except for those hotels that received a Certificate of Exemption from the Bahamian government.

The most powerful political figure on the island, chief of the so-called "Bay Street Boys," was Sir Stafford Sands. Several meetings between Sands and Chesler and $1,800,000 in bribery later, Lansky received his Certificate of Exemption on March 27, 1963. On January 22,1964, the casino at Lucayan Beach was opened under festive circumstances that Hank Messick described as follows:

The international jet set was on hand to give the event some class, but Meyer Lansky's veterans were in complete control. Red Ritter was general manager; Max Courtney was credit manager; Charley Brudner was his assistant; Dino Cellini was supervisor, and so on. As a matter of fact, Dino had operated a school in London to train the dealers and stick men who came originally from Sicily by way of the syndicate casino on the Isle of Man in the Irish Sea. (4)

Phase One of Lansky's "Operation Respectable" completed, the old wizard proceeded with the next steps. First, he cleared the way for a consortium of "legitimate" investors headed by the Miami-based Mary Carter Paint Company to buy into Hog Island (renamed Paradise Island by its owner Huntington Hartford, the multimillionaire magnate of the Great Atlantic and Pacific Tea Company) and to receive a Certificate of Exemption for the construction of a hotel-gambling casino. Sir Stafford Sands, now in Lansky's hip pocket, saw these measures through and simultaneously announced that the Bahamian government was undertaking the construction of a bridge connecting Grand Bahamas to Hog Island, to be completed by December 31,1967. (5)

What sort of weird entity was Mary Carter Paints and why had Meyer Lansky gone out of his way to open all the doors on Bay Street to it?

To begin with the obvious, Mary Carter Paint Company was involved in more than wall coverings. In 1958, it was effectively taken over by merger with the Crosby-Miller Co. — a Florida company about which little is known except that former New York Governor and two-time Republican presidential candidate Thomas Dewey was one of its biggest investors. (6) Dewey's "Mr. Clean" crime buster reputation, dating back to his days as special prosecutor during the 1940s, was a perfect cover for Lansky's move to Paradise Island.

Via the 1958 merger, the president of Mary Carter Paint Company was James M. Crosby. Crosby's brother, Peter Crosby, was a convicted stock swindler and a close business associate of Dino Cellini. Cellini was the first lieutenant to Meyer Lansky and was known as Florida's "connection" to Canadian heroin trafficker Guiseppi Cotroni. So even with Gov. Thomas Dewey's Anglophile profile on the label of every can of Mary Carter Paint, the product was severely tarnished by big-time crime.

Fidel Castro's takeover of Cuba in 1959 had been a bitter pill for the Lansky syndicate to swallow; however, it taught the old wizard a valuable lesson: don't take politics for granted. Before he socked tens of millions of dollars into his Grand Bahamas dreamland, Lansky would make absolutely certain that he was treading on solid political ground.

So, in 1964, Lansky arranged a small scandal centered around the sudden "revelation" that Lucayan Beach promoter Lou Chesler had connections to organized crime boss Meyer Lansky! Chesler left the island no doubt laughing all the way to the bank, and Lansky became invisible.

Next, Lansky moved to overthrow the deeply entrenched and corrupted Bay Street Boys (the "Batistas of the Bahamas") and impose a new government committed to the public welfare of the Bahamian population — as long as the welfare was provided by revenues from lucrative gambling takes. Covertly, Lansky political operatives — often men like Big Mike McLaney, who had been Lansky's bagman for payoffs to Cuban dictator Batista — began to heavily bankroll the Progressive Liberal Party representing the islands' black majority. (7)

At the same time, Lansky began releasing blackmail dossiers on the Bay Street Boys. First, James Crosby went to the Justice Department to meet with Robert Peloquin of the Organized Crime Strike Force. Crosby clinched a deal with Peloquin (representing Robert Kennedy's "secret team"). Shortly thereafter Peloquin launched a full-scale investigation into "corruption in the Grand Bahamas" — using the evidence provided through Lansky. Another Lansky front man, Tex McCrary, began leaking material to the press. McCrary's leaks enabled the Wall Street Journal to win the 1966 Pulitzer Prize for a lengthy series of articles exposing the connections between organized crime and the ruling political elite of the island — the Bay Streeters. (8)

Following the Crosby-Peloquin meeting, in 1965 the Internal Revenue Service — in conjunction with the Organized Crime section of the Justice Department — embarked on "Operation Tradewinds," ostensibly an investigation into "hot money" operations in the Bahamas. Heading the IRS side of the investigation was William Koler. Running the effort from the Justice Department was Robert Peloquin, working in close contact with Organized Crime and Racketeering section head Henry Peterson and Criminal Division head William Hundley.

By Christmas, 1966, growing scandals had presented the Bay Street Boys with a fait accompli. They called for elections and, on January 10, 1967, were driven out of office by the Progressive Liberal Party. Progressive chairman Lynden O. Pindling became Premier, and he petitioned for the convening of a Royal Commission of Inquiry to handle the organized crime penetration and control over Bay Street. The commission was convened in February 1967 under the chairmanship of Sir Ranulph Bacon, former head of Scotland Yard. Its investigation was based almost exclusively on the Lansky dossiers, which were passed on to Sir Ranulph by the Operation Tradewinds crew. (9)

By March 1967, all competitors with Mary Carter Paint Company had withdrawn their bids on the Hog Island land in fear that they would be exposed for their corrupt ties to Bay Street. Before the end of the month, Sir Stafford Sands packed his bags and retired to a castle in Spain.

Lansky, as the business agent for Dope, Incorporated, had completed a most silent coup d'etat. In rapid succession, all the rats surfaced to claim their just rewards.

Peloquin and Hundley "retired" from the Justice Department, opened up a law firm, and within a month were retained to manage the legal affairs of "Resorts International" — the new name adopted by Mary Carter Paints in 1966 when it made the bid for Hog Island. Both men became vice presidents of Paradise Enterprise, Inc., the Resorts International subsidiary that owns the island.

By 1970, Resorts had created a wholly owned subsidiary private security army, Intertel. Its cofounders (who started off with a $2,000,000 commission from Resorts) were Peloquin, who became president, and Hundley, who became the secretary and the general counsel. Their initial recruits were drawn principally from the Operation Tradewinds taskforce, beginning with former IRS Intelligence Division head Koler. What Permindex had previously done under a shroud of secrecy and multiple layers of cover, Intertel was set up to do on a grand scale — before the public eye under the cover of crime control!

Before we look at Intertel and its personnel, more closely, it is important to set a few things straight about the investment capital that went into the construction of Resorts International. Resorts International was financed largely with a transfer of funds from the Banque de Credit Internationale of Tibor Rosenbaum and Major Louis Mortimer Bloomfield, and the Investors Overseas Service of Bernie Cornfeld and the Rothschild family.

An estimated $14 million in transferred monies traveling through Meyer Lansky's World Trade Bank and the Fiduciary Trust Company of Nassau, a wholly owned subsidiary of IOS, found their way into Resorts during its half-dozen formative years. (10)

Furthermore, by the agreement that first cleared the way for the granting of the property title, the construction rights, and the vital Certificate of Exemption, 44 cents on every dollar of profit taken in at the Paradise Island casino goes to the Lucayan Beach Hotel and Casino Corporation — still largely owned by Meyer Lansky through his Canadian business partner Lou Chesler.

From its investors' side then, Resorts International is indistinguishable from the previously Geneva and Basel-headquartered Permindex-BCI-IOS — a nexus that we have shown to be founded on the revenues of Dope, Incorporated. Resorts International equals big-time drug trafficking: cocaine and marijuana from the Caribbean and South America, LSD and hashish produced in factories in the Bahamas, Costa Rica, etc., with venture capital provided through IOS.

Resorts International's stationing on Paradise Island created the "Silver Triangle" — a dope route up through the Caribbean that the U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration estimates to be the source of over $7 billion a year alone in narcotics passed through the southernmost tip of Florida.
 

Perm index moves to Bay Street

As the guts of BCI moved to Paradise Island, so the Permindex murder ring moved to Intertel. No longer was the Special Oper-ations Executive to house its secret assassination teams in trading companies, Christian missionary schools, and commercial executive airline services. Murder, Inc. was to become part of the respectable, Kennedy "liberal establishment," flaunting itself as a private intelligence army for hire.

Of course, occasionally old methods of cover were demanded when inquiring reporters, grand juries, or congressional committees threatened to come a bit too close to the truth. Thus, when Intertel was brought before the Senate Watergate Committee for possible investigation, it was officially described as a "commercial firm that specialized in the identification of type writers." (11)

What is International Intelligence? A "Who's Who" listing of its board and senior staff reads like a printout of British intelligence, the Mafia, and Mossad.

Intertel President Robert Peloquin was a troubleshooter on the Kennedy Justice "secret team" under Walter Sheridan. A World War II naval intelligence officer assigned to the Office of Naval Intelligence, Peloquin was transferred to the National Security Agency where he remained until moving to the criminal division of the Justice Department. In 1966, Peloquin was sent to Buffalo to head up the first official Organized Crime Strike Force in the country. Peloquin's "no crime here" coverup of the Jacobs family syndicate (see Section 5) was so well received that his boss, Henry Peterson, was gratefully hired as general counsel for the Jacobs' Sportsystems Corporation and let loose with a $1 million annual budget. Hundley and Peloquin run Intertel; Peterson runs Sportsystems; all three have been partners in the same law firm since 1976.

Hundley, the secretary and general counsel for Intertel, spent the 1951-57 years in the Internal Security section of the Justice Department. In that capacity, Hundley would have liaised with the Division Five of the FBI headed by Permindex's Major Louis Mortimer Bloomfield. From Internal Security, Hundley moved onto the Kennedy Justice "secret team" and participated in the prosecution of Teamster President James Hoffa.

Sir Ranulph Bacon, the former head of Scotland Yard who conducted the Royal Commission inquiry that cleaned out the Bay Street Boys for Lansky, cashed in his chips by moving on to the Intertel board.

John D. O'Connell is the executive vice-president of Intertel in charge of its New York City operations. A 24-year veteran of the FBI, O'Connell was the supervisor of all FBI intelligence activi ties related to organized crime. Thomas J. McKeon, vice-president and assistant general counsel, was a supervisor with Major Bloomfield's FBI Division Five before he went to Detroit to head up the Organized Crime Strike Force. David Belisle, a member of the board, was the Deputy Director for Security at the State Department and subsequently the head of the Security section of the National Security Agency.

Edward M. Mullin, presently Intertel's director of intelligence operations, was with Division Five of the FBI and later with the CIA as an assistant deputy director in charge of clandestine services. Mullin's private security front in Washington, D.C., was in famous as the base of operations for E. Howard Hunt during the time of the Watergate break-in. Mullin is also directly tied into the Miami Double-Chek outfit that is implicated in several Permindex-run assassinations, including the JFK killing.

Among the other board members and ranking staff of Intertel are: a retired director of the Royal Canadian Mounted Police; a president of the Bronfman family's Royal Bank of Canada Trust Company; a president of the Dreyfus Corporation, an investment fund owned by the Hofjuden de Gunzberg family, into which the Bronfmans are intermarried.

What do we have here? First we have Resorts International, financed through the Geneva-Basel retail revenues of Dope, Inc. The manager of Paradise Island for its first half decade of operation (1968-73) was Eddie Cellini, the brother of Dino Cellini and another well-known lieutenant of Meyer Lansky. (When Cellini's criminal record became a potential sore spot for Resorts, he was discreetly shipped off to Miami where he now handles "charter flights" between Florida and Paradise Island — flights that may shuttle more than paying customers.) In 1972, Robert Vesco came a hairsbreadth away from buying majority holdings in Resorts International for $60 million — a transaction that was heartily endorsed by the "super-sleuths" at Intertel. (12)

If Resorts International is a glossy front for Meyer Lansky's retail end of the biggest business in the world then what does that say for its wholly owned subsidiary, Intertel? Is it conceivable that this collection of senior officials from the most prestigious and sophisticated intelligence services of the United States, Canada, and Britain could be oblivious to the fact that they are "riding shotgun" for one of the biggest channels of narcotics and hot money in the Western Hemisphere?

Intertel stands exposed as the successor to Major Bloomfield's Permindex, drawing on the same SOE-Division Five capabilities, the same "direct line" interface into the official intelligence branches of half the countries in the world, the same allegiance to the British oligarchy behind the $200 billion a year Dope, Inc. While the motives may vary case by case, it is sufficient to say that anyone on the inside of Intertel attempting to break from its service and spill the beans would have about the same chance for survival as a Royal Hong Kong police officer who decided to turn down his weekly bribery envelope.

With the consolidation of Resorts International, we once again swing full circle. From a Prohibition-era jumping-off point of syndicated organized crime in the United States — fostered by the same British families that had ordered the Shanghai massacre to safeguard the rule of Dope, Inc. in China — we now find ourselves 50 years later confronted by a criminal infrastructure lobbying for the decriminalization of crime itself! The Kennedy Justice, Scotland Yard, and RCMP boys at Intertel sell their services as "experts in cleaning out undesirable criminal elements from your corporation." (13)

Through this ruse they captured the Howard Hughes fortunes and are at present taking over "security services" for all the big Las Vegas casinos. (14) They moved into New Jersey and imposed gambling, horse racing, and numbers as the three "growth industries"; they are now posing New Jersey as the model to be followed by Florida, Arizona, Rhode Island, Massachusetts, and New York.

After World War II, one of the economic warfare specialists in Sir William Stephenson's SOE, a fellow named Ian Fleming, wrote a series of coded novels describing the efforts at world conquest of a "third force" — an ultramodern international crime syndicate housed in the resort islands of the Caribbean. The weapons of "third force" conquest were drugs, political assassinations, grand-scale blackmail, and economic war against the nations of the world.

With Resorts International-Intertel, Fleming's "third force" — the British oligarchy's Dope, Inc. — put itself up for trade on the stock markets of the world.
 

Back to Contents

The Jacobs Family's Emprise: Sports and Crime

On June 2, 1976, moments after a bomb exploded in his car and inflicted fatal injuries, dying Arizona investigative reporter Don Bolles whispered three words to the rescue team that pulled him from the wreckage: "Mafia . . . Emprise . . . Adamson."

Bolles was on the verge of completing a seven-year investigation of laundered drug traffic money in the state of Arizona, including organized crime takeovers of dog tracks and horse racing—areas the Buffalo-based Jacobs family began moving into in 1959. A Phoenix resident, John Adamson, pleaded guilty to the murder in January 1977, naming a local real estate developer, Max Dunlop, as the man who hired him to murder Bolles. Mysteriously, no investigation ever took place of Emprise, the leading vehicle since 1916 of the Jacobs family, which had been the primary target of Bolles's investigation and the subject of his last words.

Emprise was one of the largest nonpublic, family-owned corporations in the world, a conglomerate with control or partial control over 450 separate companies. Its stated annual profit is $350 million, from holdings in North American and British sports complexes, race tracks, and food consortia. It is probably the biggest quasi-legitimate cover for organized crime's money laundering in the United States. Were it a public company, it would rank about 150 in the Fortune 500.

The Jacobs family's only concession to the numerous attempts by law enforcement agencies to shut them down was to change Emprise's name to Sportsystems in 1972.

The vast extent of the present Jacobs empire is approximated by Sportsystems' 1977 declared holdings. The pattern that emerges conforms to the requisites of an international laundering racket for narcotics, prostitution, and gambling receipts.

Sportsystems Corporation maintains:

• majority interest or significant minority interests in over 20 horse racing tracks in the United States and Canada

• food concessions at over 40 horse racing tracks in the United States and Canada plus another 15 in England. Those in Great Britain are maintained in the name of Sportsystems' wholly owned subsidiary, Letheby and Christopher Ltd., chaired by a retired British Army colonel, Livingstone Learmouth

• over ten greyhound racing tracks in the United States and Canada, including majority holdings in nearly every track in the heavily drug-trafficked state of Arizona

• 24 concession contracts with major-league baseball teams in the United States, including Chicago's Comiskey Park and Detroit's Tiger Stadium

• ownership of the Boston Garden indoor professional sports complex and the Boston Bruins professional ice hockey team; *ownership of Professional Sports Publications, Inc., the largest U.S. publisher of sports events programs

• 161 concessions at theaters and bowling alleys in the United States

• 15 airport concessions, including in-flight and ground-level concessions at Washington, D.C. airports and Palm Springs, Florida

• two jai alai stadiums (legal gambling facilities) in Florida; *industrial food catering services at such locations as the Gulf of Mexico oil drilling platforms

• one Alaska-to-Seattle cargo fleet comprised of six ships. This route curiously parallels the prime entry point to the U.S. of Chinese heroin.

Within this maze of operations, each characterized by a high volume of cash turnover, the $350 million figure is a fraud, published for tax purposes. Law enforcement sources estimate the annual flow through of tainted cash in the range of several billions of dollars.

That is not conjecture. Emprise and its incarnation, Sport-systems, left a broad trail of investigations, indictments, and convictions, occurring mainly during the years of Nixon's War on Drugs—a trail that ended with the Bolles murder. In 1972, the family firm was convicted of conspiracy to take over a gambling casino in Las Vegas by illegal means.

That incident, among other things, provoked the change of the Emprise name. Indicted along with the Jacobs brothers were some of the best-known faces in the mug files of the Justice Department's Organized Crime Strike Force. Among the co-conspirators were top racketeers, drug traffickers, and the entire leadership of the Detroit mob, including:

• Anthony Zerilli, son of Joseph Zerilli, Detroit's mob boss and an official of the Emprise subsidiary, Hazel Park Racing Association

• Michael B. Polizzi of Grosse Point, Michigan, an owner of the Valley Die Cast Association, identified as a Detroit mob lieu-tenant in police files

• Anthony Giordano of the "St. Louis Banana Distributing Company," the kingpin of St. Louis drug traffic

• Peter J. Bellanca, also a director of the Emprise-owned Hazel Park Racing Association

• Jacob Shapiro, a Detroit-Miami mobster, with interests in Las Vegas' Silver Slipper casino.

Conviction in the same dock with known mobsters did not deter the Jacobs family. Since 1972, they have continued to act as money-movers and bagmen for a whole list of organized crime figures. Several large loans to crime syndicates are on the record, including a $2 million 1972 loan to the Montreal Expos—owned by their old sponsors and counterparts across the Canadian border, the Bronfman family of Montreal. An earlier recipient was convicted murderer Raymond Patriarcha, the crime boss of Rhode Island.

Louis Jacobs, one of the three brothers, brought Patriarcha into a partnership in the Chicago Lion Manufacturing Company, since renamed the Bally Manufacturing company, the largest American producer of pinball and slot machines and the source of supply for the mob's pinball distribution. Also on the list of the Jacobs' "loan" recipients are a number of associates of syndicate financier Meyer Lansky, including Morris Dalitz, according to testimony introduced into the Congressional Record (1).

A Michigan grand jury is currently hearing a case implicating the Jacobs' Sportsystems and the Jacobs brothers personally in an attempt to tamper with Michigan state criminal records involving members of the Zerilli mob and St. Louis crime figure Morris Shenker.

Despite a record of criminal activity stretching back to the 1910s—and never interrupted—the Jacobs family remains one of the open, "legitimate" fronts for Dope, Incorporated. Not only is the Jacobs family protected, but, as we will document below, it retains a group of veterans of the Kennedy Administration's Organized Crime Strike Force as its legal department.

Emprise appeared in 1916, the year that the Bronfmans and the Hudson's Bay Company began bootlegging through the "Pure Drug Distribution Company," using the three Jacobs brothers as contacts right across the border in Buffalo. The original Jacobs brothers, Louis, Marvin, and Charles, used the old smugglers' cover of "food concessions" for a chain of vaudeville theaters on the Canadian border crossing points at Buffalo and Cleveland. (2) The modus operandi is pretty much the one Mitchell Bronfman used during the early 1970s for smuggling heroin into the United States. Once established, the Jacobs machine became a leading distributor for Bronfman liquor as the United States went dry.

Functionally, Emprise represented the "throttle" through which shipments of liquor could be turned on or off to the American mob. The Jacobs family, enduring a half-dozen criminal indictments through the 1920s, controlled the supply and financing of illegal booze for most of American organized crime.

Their dependents included the Purple Gang of Detroit, the gang convicted with the Jacobs brothers in the 1972 Las Vegas incident; the Morris Dalitz Cleveland-Las Vegas crime syndicate: and the Crown-Lundheimer mob in Chicago, the Zionist controllers of the colorful "cutout" Al Capone. (3) Not only are these ties still in place; every man who tried to do something about them is either dead, like reporter Don Bolles, or broken, like former Arizona Congressman Sam Steiger.
 

The Steiger investigation

Beginning in 1970, five-term Arizona conservative Congressman Sam Steiger began an investigation into Emprise's activities in his home state. Working closely with Bolles, Steiger prepared a series of reports for the House Select Committee on Crime, of which he was a member. Steiger placed two damning reports on Emprise in the Congressional Record in 1970 and 1972 (4).

He also widely publicized the finding of an Arizona State Auditor General report charging Emprise with falsifying figures to get a tax-break bill through the State Legislature. By 1972, in conjunction with the Nixon Justice Department, he succeeded in getting grand jury charges and federal court convictions against Emprise and the six Detroit area mobsters already cited. On May 24, 1972, pressure on Emprise had reached such a public crescendo that even Sports Illustrated ran a lengthy expose titled "Jacobs — Godfather of Sports"; the magazine was promptly sued for $20 million and settled out of court.

At that point, Democratic Party politicians and prominent figures in the Zionist Lobby went into action on Emprise's behalf. Not coincidentally, the same forces that came forward for Emprise were also preparing the Watergate scandal to bring down President Richard Nixon. (5)

Democratic members of the House Select Panel on Crime denounced the majority report prepared by Steiger exposing Emprise's ties to organized crime. As admitted by Max and Jeremy Jacobs in congressional testimony, Emprise hired New York public relations man Hal Antin to defeat Steiger in his 1976 re-election bid. A Phoenix underworld figure, George H. Johnson, was paid to wiretap and survey Steiger and manufacture scandals against him. Arnold Weiss, a Buffalo attorney on the Emprise payroll, was sent to meet with Steiger and deliver a series of ultimatums. Weiss reportedly threatened to ruin Steiger by planting rumors that his marriage had broken up after his wife caught him in illicit relations with their three-year-old daughter. Such rumors, in fact, did appear in various Arizona media. (6)

In 1972, Senator Robert Dole, a Kansas Republican, publicly protested the House Select Panel's decision to terminate the hearings on Emprise. Dole revealed that the decision had followed a private meeting between Jeremy Jacobs and Democratic National Committee Chairman Larry O'Brien. O'Brien subsequently left his Democratic Party post and assumed a lucrative job as president of the National Basketball Association—an organization with heavy representation by the Jacobs family.

As the Watergate campaign broke down Nixon's resistance and dismantled the core of his efforts to suppress organized crime, the attack against Emprise faded. By June 1976, Don Bolles was dead. On November 3, 1976, in an election heavily shaped by nationwide vote fraud (7), Rep. Steiger lost his bid for a sixth term in Congress. By this time a broken man fearing for his life, Steiger met with Jeremy Jacobs to "apologize" for his accusations against Emprise.

At this time Emprise-Sportsystems had three pending civil suits against Steiger. In a last act of humiliation, Steiger wrote to Attorney General Edward Levi as a spokesman for Emprise on behalf of a presidential pardon for the 1972 federal racketeering conviction. Incoming Attorney General Griffin Bell turned down the request as "not deserving." (8)
 

Jacobs and Royal Crown

The second generation of Jacobs brothers, Max, Jeremy, and Lawrence, underwent the same "washing" into respectable society as their old Prohibition business partners, the Bronfmans. Ironically, the Jacobs brothers used their longstanding association with the Bronfmans, since married into the upper reaches of the European Hofjuden, to lend them an air of respect ability somewhat above that of the outright thugs with whom they still do most of their business.

For example, a third-generation Jacobs, Jeremy, took his "higher education" not at a university, but at the Toronto Jockey Club, after his 1960 high school graduation. The Bronfman-run Toronto Jockey Club, like its counterpart in Hong Kong, is not only one of Canada's best protected dirty money-gathering outfits, but a place where Hofjuden and gangsters can amiably mix in safety. Regular denizens of the Toronto Club include Viscount Hardinge and Canadian organized-crime figure Murray Koffler.

Koffler's role as a retail outlet for Bronfman dope-running came into the public domain in 1976, when an associate's chain of retail drug stores was indicted for maintaining an amphetamine factory and a national army of pill-pushers. That distinction did not prevent Koffler from attending the wedding of Britain's Princess Anne, or from maintaining his close friendship with Anne's husband. Captain Mark Phillips. (9)

So far the Jacobs have been barred from marriage into the leading Hofjuden circles. However, the Jacobs have been awarded a respectable role in the train of the British monarchy, in a service capacity. The "crown jewel" of the Jacobs' operations is the British firm, Letheby and Christopher Ltd.—the caterers, by Her Majesty's appointment, to "all events with a royal presence." (10) Their concessions through Letheby and Christopher include the Tate Gallery, the Ascot Races, and other gathering places of the Royal Family and the British aristocracy.

L & C, as it is affectionately known in Britain, was awarded the management of Ascot through the Bank of Norfolk, whose trustees include the Marquis of Abergavemy and Lord Tyron—the Keeper of the Queen's Privy Purse, third in aristocratic rank to the Keeper of the Queen's Horse, and the Keeper of the Queen's Bedchamber.

Apart from its royal honors, the Jacobs subsidiary manages 12 other racetracks in Great Britain including the national track at Liverpool, the site of the Grand National, and Wembly Stadium, Britain's equivalent of Madison Square Garden.

More than their retailing services for British dope-peddlers, however, accounts for the Jacobs family's honored position at the British court. They have conducted crucial—and dangerous—political errands for the British oligarchy over a period of years. One such mission involved the successful sabotage of Richard Nixon's 1972 plan for detente with the Soviet Union. Their instrument for the act of sabotage—the man whose presidential campaign they funded lavishly—was Senator Scoop Jackson.

"Scoopsie," Max Jacobs once said, "is the best friend Israel has in the Congress." Max and brother Jeremy were funders of their torpedo's run for the White House. (11)

Jackson authored the "Jackson-Vanik" Amendment to destroy the effectiveness of Nixon's 1972 treaty for expanded trade and scientific cooperation, which rested, among other things, on American credits for Siberian development. Jackson's operation prevented the United States from extending any credits to the Soviet Union until the Soviets "liberalized" their Jewish emigration policy. (Under the Nixon Administration, such emigration had already increased fourfold.)

The Jacobs brothers had hamstrung a treaty the British Crown viewed as a mortal enemy, one the Rothschild-owned London Economist denounced as a "waltz of the elephants." Jackson has continued to work as a pawn of the Jacobs crime family, advocating, among other projects, a military alliance with and weapons sales to China, Britain's partner in world dope traffic.

In the Jacobs group, America has its homegrown version of the Green Gangs, the fifth column Britain used to destroy China.
 

Working for the HongShang

From available evidence, the British oligarchy rates the Jacobs group's political usefulness as an intermediary for control over organized crime sufficiently important to make major efforts to rebuild the Jacobs' tarnished image. The prize that motivates Britain in this regard is the Buffalo-based Marine

Midland Bank, which the Hong Kong and Shanghai Bank now wants to buy out.

From the American side the most important "inside agents" pushing the HongShang takeover are Leonard Rochwarger and Paul Schoelkopf, since 1973 the closest business associates of Max and Jermy Jacobs. (12) Rochwarger is president of Firstmark Corporation, a heavy equipment leasing company and the American leg of an international conglomerate controlled by Britain's most important Hofjuden, the Rothschilds and Sebag-Montefiores.

Rochwarger was brought into the deal at a Paris meeting in 1971 with Edmond de Rothschild and Robin Sebag-Montefiore, who represented, respectively, the Isrop S.A. of Luxembourg and the Gilsyd Corporation of Liechtenstein. Under an intricate merger arrangement, Rochwarger emerged from the meeting as president of a new international subsidiary of the Rothschild and Montefiore companies, Israel-American Leasing of Tel Aviv, now the largest firm of its type in Israel.

Rochwarger is an old associate of Max Jacobs; both sit on the board of the Joint Distribution Committee, the funding center for American Zionist organizations. In addition, Rochwarger is the director of the National Jewish Centers and Youth Programs both in the United States and Canada, a regional board member of the Anti-Defamation League of B'nai B'rith, and fundraising chairman of the United Jewish Appeal.

Paul Schoelkopf, another Buffalo-based Zionist, is leading the local campaign in support of HongShang's bid for Marine Midland. Schoelkopf is chairman of Buffalo's Niagara Share Corporation, an investment company that pools the resources of wealthy local investors for large investments. Among Niagara's holdings is 246,000 shares in HongShang stock. Its other holdings include investments in the Swire family's Pacific A Corporation, and 400,000 shares in two Hong Kong holding companies, Cheung Kong Holdings Ltd., and the trading company Hutchinson Whampoa, also linked to HongShang.

Another Schoelkopf investment vehicle is the $250 million per year food wholesaling-retailing group, Niagara Frontier Services, whose chairman is Armand Castellani, a member of Marine Midland's board of directors. A merger is currently in process between Niagara Frontier Services and Sportsystems, which would double the stated "legitimate" revenue base of the Jacobs family empire.

If HongShang receives the Marine Midland Bank from the hands of Max Jacobs, the link between the retail cash laundering facilities of the American mob and the wholesale financing of the international dope traffic will be complete. As noted in Part II, Section 1, it will also complete the British oligarchy's takeover of the last remaining offshore center not wholly in its possession, Panama.
 

Jacobs joins Intertel

In the aftermath of Congressman Steiger's investigation, Sportsystems underwent a corporate personnel reorganization. The result was that Sportsystems established an interface with the center of the crime syndicates and the reincarnated Assassination Bureau—Resorts International and its subsidiary, Intertel.

The entire executive team and legal staff brought into Sport systems in 1975 was made up exclusively of veterans of the Kennedy Justice Department—the same Kennedy Justice Department that sent the man who is now president of Intertel, Robert Peloquin, to Buffalo, to "investigate" the Emprise crime syndicate!

In early 1975, Donald Carmichael, a Kennedy Democrat who had served as a delegate both at the 1964 and 1968 Democratic conventions, as well as on the President's War on Poverty panel, became the president of Sportsystems. Carmichael ushered in a dozen Kennedy Justice Department hands over the next two years.

In 1976, Max and Jeremy Jacobs' close friend and "business associate" Max Fisher released the general counsel of his own corporation, United Brands (formerly United Fruit), so that he could accept Jacobs' offer of the post of general counsel to Sport systems. Before his employment at United Brands, Stanley Mills had been a Justice Department aide to Attorney General Robert Kennedy. (13)

In 1977, when the Bolles murder temporarily threatened to bring Emprise-Sportsystems under criminal investigation, Horace S. Webb joined the firm as public relations director. Webb, who assisted the Watergating of Richard Nixon on behalf of the Kennedy machine, had previously been Deputy Public Information Director for the Justice Department and later press secretary for Attorney General Elliot Richardson.

By the time the facelift of Sportsystems was finished, four other Kennedy Administration officials—each a member of Robert Kennedy's "secret team"—were brought into the firm's legal division.

Half the Kennedy "old boys" had moved into Resorts International and Intertel; the other half went over to the Jacobs group, for the same type of assignment.

Heading the "Intertel Team" at Sportsystems is Henry Peterson, the former chief of the Organized Crime and Racketeering Division of the Kennedy Justice Department. At Camelot, Peterson was the superior of Robert Peloquin, now president of Intertel.

Peterson's entire staff from the old Robert Kennedy days came with him. At Sportsystems, his chief aides are William Bittman, Daniel Hollman, and Thomas Kennedy. Kennedy worked for Peterson in the Organized Crime Division of the Department of Justice. Their big assignment in the old days came when Peterson sent them to New York State—to investigate the mob connections of Emprise!
 

"Bagman" Max Fisher

Max Fisher, today the chairman of United Brands, is the acknowledged "kingmaker" in the Michigan Republican Party, and a political power nationally. As president of the United Jewish Appeal, president of the Jewish Welfare Fund, and honorary chairman of the American Jewish Committee, Fisher holds rank next to his close friends Max and Jeremy Jacobs and the Bronfman brothers as one of the leading lights of the Zionist Lobby in North America. Fisher is also Henry Kissinger's contact man in the Michigan-Ohio area, and until recently was national fundraising chairman for the Republican Party.

Those are impressive credentials for a man who got his start as "bagman" for Prohibition's "Purple Gang." Max's job was to run advance payments for Bronfman liquor across the Canadian border and secure advance deliveries of Bronfman "rotgut" to the speakeasies that dotted Michigan's auto towns. Today, Max's headquarters, the Fisher Building, is owned by the Bronfmans.

Today Midwest law enforcement officials name Max Fisher as the prime candidate for arrest and conviction as the kingpin of the vast narcotics trade in the Midwest—including the tons of drugs that pour into the auto belt. Yet no indictments have been forthcoming. Freuhauf Trucking Company, based in both Canada and the United States, provides one channel for large-scale drug smuggling, these officials report.

Max Fisher is a Freuhauf board member and large shareholder. Knowledge of Fisher's drug connection even includes the various parking lot "truck stops" — adjacent to Fisher's Detroit suburban headquarters — that are believed to serve as transshipment points for heroin, cocaine, and marijuana. Fisher's privately owned Marathon Oil Company, barging crude oil into the Midwest from ports of call in South America, is also suspected of joining Fisher's United Brands in running the "Silver Triangle" drug traffic.

Since its founding by the New Orleans Macheca mob and Montefiore-sponsored Jewish immigrant Zemurray, United Fruit-United Brands has dominated both licit and illicit trade in the Central and Latin American countries that produce cocaine and marijuana for the American market. In those same countries, the Israeli financial and intelligence networks identified earlier with the narcotics traffic have become the principal supplier of weapons. In Central America and in Chile, Israel has replaced the U.S. as the leading arms merchant for United Brands' "banana republic" governments. (14)

That none of the evidence has brought action against Fisher raises some interesting questions about who controls Michigan politics. Fisher, as noted, is not only the powerbroker for the Republican Party, but along with the Socialist International affiliate, the United Auto Workers (UAW), is on top of the ghetto and in-plant crime machine and Maoist-environmentalist gangs that push drugs and terrorism. This was the conclusion drawn from an investigation involving federal law enforcement officials after a July 1978 attempted assassination of U.S. Labor Party Chairman Lyndon LaRouche in Detroit.

The "political cover" under which drugs and terror find their way into the floors of the auto plants is the Communist Labor Party of Michigan. This avowedly Maoist grouplet is an outgrowth of the nest of agents provocateurs who incited the late 1960s riots that left large sections of Detroit's working class districts in ruins.

After the riots, Max Fisher and then-UAW President Leonard Woodcock (now U.S. Emissary to the People's Republic of China) stepped in to found the New Detroit Corporation as the "reforming" de facto ruling body over the region. New Detroit outflanked the constituency political machine in the city administration and police department, removing the chief impediment to the "liberal" proliferation of drugs, vote fraud, and fingertip-controlled political violence. The Communist Labor Party of Michigan provides the footsoldiers for all three.

According to records on file with Detroit City Clerk, the Communist Labor Party is financed by Max Fisher's Zionist Lobby. Among the campaign contributors to its 1976 and 1978 "electoral campaigns" are Avern Cohen, Fisher's personal attorney and his political lieutenant, and Richard Lobenthal, the head of the Michigan Anti-Defamation League of B'nai B'rith.

The Communist Labor Party also gets money from a group called the Anti-Nazi Coalition, in which it joins the B'nai B'rith, and a Zionist umbrella group called the Jewish Community Council. The latter is financed by numerous Zionist philanthropies including the Jewish Welfare Fund, and by thousands of dollars in UAW membership dues. (15)

The Anti-Nazi Coalition services a string of storefronts, bookstores, and other commercial enterprises that dish out dope to the auto plants and ghettos.
 

Dope, Inc. goes "legit"

The Jacobs family, Max Fisher, the Bronfman brothers: these figures stand behind organized crime, the drug traffic, and the systematic corruption of the political process in nearly every precinct of the United States. A precise estimate cannot be given of the percentage of the $200 billion of narcotics revenues diverted into political corruption and disruption.

But the nearly $1 billion the Jacobs family put up to oust Congressman Sam Steiger, the Bronfmans' multimillion dollar expenditure for political and economic warfare against the U.S. Labor Party, and the $1 million "war chest" that Resorts International assembled to put across legalized casino gambling in New Jersey by legislative fiat, provide sufficient warning that the sums spent on illegitimate political activities exceed those spent under the Federal Election Law.

Corruption of politicians is more flagrant, more public, than street corner soliciting by prostitutes. Take the case of St. Louis Representative William Clay, now treasurer of the Black Caucus in Congress. Clay was selected for his job by Morris Shenker, the owner of the Dunes and Sands casinos in Las Vegas and the attorney for Anthony Giordano in the 1972 federal case against Emprise. (16) Clay's Black Caucus colleague Parren Mitchell of Baltimore, who has emerged as a leading spokesman for drug decriminalization, is another.

The roster of Britain's Green Gang thugs in the United States, stretching down to every populated center, is too extensive to bear further detail. The Jacobs, Bronfmans, Fishers have the same modus operandi: understand it, and nothing about organized crime elsewhere will be difficult to understand. Once this operation is cracked, drug traffic and corruption in cities across the country can be broken, assembly-line fashion.

Britain's agents of corruption are now beginning the final phase of opium warfare against the United States, as the dope runners and money-launderers press for legalization of gambling and drug addiction. Under the transparent lie that legalization means the destruction of organized crime—rather than its en-thronement in the state capital—gambling has opened up in New Jersey, under the aegis of Meyer Lansky's Resorts International and Intertel. Dope, Incorporated is preparing, in effect, to take its "rightful place" at the top of the Fortune 500.

The American Green Gangs are preparing the final "Shanghai Massacre" of the American people.

Back to Contents